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Writing Systems
Can
any world language be written in any orthographic code?
Can
English be written in Japanese, Korean, or in a knot language?
By Steve Bett, David Kelley,
and Valerie Yule
Illustrations Hangul,
Chinese, Quipu
Kana - Hiranga
By David Kelley, Ph.D., Linguists
at the Medical School, Japan
How difficult are the Japanese syllabaries compared to the English writing
system?
It is easier to learn a short list of signs than a long list,
given that the complexity of the signs is similar.
But let me point out that there are basically 47 (Hiragana) signs
that a
Japanese child has to learn. To get the 70-80 figure, you have to
include signs that have been "marked" for voiced and unvoiced
labialization, which only involves adding a couple small straight lines
or a tiny circle to the right of some of the 47 known signs.
So we are talking about learning 26 Roman signs vs 47 Kana signs (and
some alphabets have almost as many signs as Japanese Kana -- Georgian:
40 signs and Armenian: 38 signs). And, by the way, not of few of the
Katakana signs are clearly graphically related to the already known
Hiragana signs, just as a number of upper and lower case Roman letter
signs are similar (while some are quite different, and require more
effort to learn).
In the end, there just isn't that much memory work involved with
the
process of learning the Japanese Kana scripts. The signs are generally
simple enough, and the sound values are consistent enough (but not
perfectly so -- just as the Roman alphabet isn't) that one can
conceivably learn both the Kana systems within a week (or two) --
even a kid of 4-5 years old.
The Kana syllabary
Pure alphabets line consonant
and vowel letters up on a given line of text, giving consonant and vowel
signs pretty much equal space and prominence. Semi-alphabets, as
in Devanagari, the script in which Hindi appears (and countless other such
scripts in the area I described before), gives preferential treatment to
consonants. By this I mean that many consonant signs are lined up
on a line of text, and then vowel
"appendages" are added to those signs to denote
the various vowels. An unappended consonant sign has an intrinsic
vowel value (usually "a"). To repress this intrinsic vowel value,
a special sign is appended with makes the whole sign strictly consonantal.
Of course, for words beginning with vowel sounds, there is a complete set
of different vowel signs, on a par with the consonant signs. In the
Tibetan semi-alphabet,
it is interesting to note that unlike the
Devanagari script, there is only ONE independent vowel sign, and to that
sign the SAME appended vowel marks may be added as are added to the consonant
signs. A very economical system, indeed.
The two Japanese syllabaries (i.e. Hiragana
and Katakana), composed of 47+ signs, are actually derived from an ancient
kind of Indian semi-alphabet ordering. The signs themselves are abbreviated
Chinese characters (logographs), but the order, in any Japanese dictionary,
is right out of India. The Indians attached an intrinsic value of
"a" to all their consonant signs, as mentioned above, and ordered those
signs in that basic form. But in any such ordering, the vowel signs
(used at the beginnings of words, primarily) came first, and so in typical
(and traditional) Indian order, the 51 vowel and consonant signs would
be arranged as follows:
(1-10) A, A:, I, I:, U, U:, E,
AI, O, AU
(11-16) AM., AH., R., R.:, L., L.:
(17-21) KA, KHA, GA, GHA, NGA
(22-26) CYA, CYHA, JYA, JYHA, NYA
(27-31) T.A, T.HA, D.A, D.HA, N.A (all
retroflexed)
(32-36) TA, THA, DA, DHA, NA
(37-41) PA, PHA, BA, BHA, MA
(42-45) YA, RA, LA, VA
(46-49) SHA, S.A, SA, HA
(50-51) LLAM., KS.A
Of course, any of the consonant signs could
be appended with various
vowel "tabs", making for many more possible
sounds. The above listing
is just the very basic dictionary order.
At any rate, the Japanese
liked the idea of a table of 50 Sounds (called
GO-JYU-ON in Japanese)
and proceeded to borrow the basic system.
Problem was that Japanese has
far fewer sounds than Sanskrit (or practically
any other language), so
something had to give. The Japanese
solution can be seen in the
following typical Japanese ordering:
(1-5) A, I, U,
E, O
(6-10) KA, KI, KU, KE, KO
(11-15) TSA, SI, TSU, SE, TSO (later
> to SA, SHI, SU, SE, SO)
(16-20) TA, TI, TU, TE, TO (later >
to TA, CHI, TSU, TE, TO)
(21-25) NA, NI, NU, NE, NO
(26-30) PA, PI, PU, PE, PO (later >
to HA, HI, HU, HE, HO)
(31-35) MA, MI, MU, ME, MO
(36-38) YA, YU, YO
(39-43) RA, RI, RU, RE, RO
(44-47) WA, WI, WE, WO (later > to WA,
YI, YE, WO,
and then WA, I, U, (W)O
So the Japanese (47-sign) syllabary order,
though modified considerably
to account for the paucity of sounds in Japanese,
is nevertheless a
pretty accurate reflection of an Indian (51-sign)
semi-alphabetic
model.
Of course we should have something (e.g. evidence of various sorts) to
back up our claims, but as Ze mentions, some things boil down to common
sense -- it is easier to learn a short list of signs than a long list,
given that the complexity of the signs is similar.
But let me point out that there are basically 47 (Hiragana) signs that
a
Japanese child has to learn. To get the 70-80 figure, you have to
include signs that have been "marked" for voiced and unvoiced
labialization, which only involves adding a couple small straight lines
or a tiny circle to the right of some of the 47 known signs.
So we are talking about learning 26 Roman signs vs 47 Kana signs (and
some alphabets have almost as many signs as Japanese Kana -- Georgian:
40 signs and Armenian: 38 signs). And, by the way, not of few of the
Katakana signs are clearly graphically related to the already known
Hiragana signs, just as a number of upper and lower case Roman letter
signs are similar (while some are quite different, and require more
effort to learn).
In the end, there just isn't that much memory work involved with the
process of learning the Japanese Kana scripts. The signs are generally
simple enough, and the sound values are consistent enough (but not
perfectly so -- just as the Roman alphabet isn't) that one can
conceivably learn both the Kana systems within a week (or two) -- even
a
kid of 4-5 years old. Of course, as with Roman letters, consistent use
of the signs (usually) guarantees the kids (or adults) won't forget the
signs thus learned. Most educational failures are caused more by bad
follow-up and lack of practice than bad (initial) teaching. Most kids
are so fast and so interested in learning (anything) that you could
probably get the elements of nuclear physics across to them at a very
early age. But then, another (worse) problem is that teachers refrain
from teaching certain things (and wait to do so at the "proper" time),
and so the kids don't even get a chance to forget many many things.
Pity.
David
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Korean Hangul - What if
English were written in a similar script? |
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English written in Chinese
characters |
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No country is locked
into a particular orthography, its a code . . .
To gain a little perspective on how the other half (i.e. non-native
users) live, it may help to analyze some vowel sounds the "Japanese"
way. We can start by listing the major vowel phonemes in standard
Japanese (but not necessarily in all forms of Japanese). Such phonemes
would include (using their "Italian" values): a. i, u, e, and o. There
are allophones of these sounds in certain phonological contexts, but I
will ignor them for the moment. Now, given the paucity of vowel
phonemes, something has to "give" in order for the Japanese to have a
chance of even representing the sounds of English (in ther Kana
systems), much less pronounce the sounds. So what "gives" is a
recognition of the English spelling system itself, where "short" (but
often actaully "lax") vowels are followed by a double consonant, and
"long" (but often actually "tense") vowels, with their "alphabet-order"
values, are followed by single consonants.
The "double/single" distinctions are important because Japanese spelling
has something similar: geminated consonants, where the preceeding vowel
is, in fact, slightly shortened, compared to the vowels preceeding
ungeminated consonants. So what this means is that the fictitious
"long/short" vowel distinctions that English school teachers talk so
much about (but which professional linguists don't recognize) have been
taken to heart by Japanese linguists who want to represent the sounds of
English in Kana (the syllabic writing systems used in Japan). Well, and
there are no geminated consonants in English either, but the Japanese
treat English sounds as if there were.
What this boils down to is the following list of representations, which
I have romanized for the members' convenience:
"a" in "shan't" is represented by AA
"u" in "sun" is represented by A (+ gemination marker)
"a" in "cat" is represented by (I)YA
"ei" in "seine" is represented by EI
"e" in "send" is represented by E (+ gemination marker)
"ee" in "seen" is represented by II
"i" in "sin" is represented by I (+ gemination marker)
"aw" in "sawn" is represented by OO
"o" in "sonnet" is represented by O (+ gemination marker)
"oo" in "soon" is represented by UU
"oo" in "soot" is represented by U (+ gemination marker)
The gemination marker seen in Kana, which is actually a small version of
the sign for TSU is usually romanized by a doubling of the following
vowel, but there are some exceptions. English "sun" would be romanized
as SAN (because the N in Japanese is completely different from an
English final N), while English "cut" would be represented by KATTO.
English "cat" would be KYATTO.
Anyway, finally getting to the representation of words with the "AW"
sound (which is actually the point of this message), the following
representations can be found:
English "awe" is OO
English "law" and "raw" are ROO
English "draw" is DOROO
English "Hawthorn" is HOOSOON
So, to a non-native user of English, the double O of "aw" may not seem
so wierd. In fact, the scheme described above is the basis of my own
New Romaji system, which may be examined by going to:
.
Best regards,
David
PS "drawring" is definitely found in the eastern part of New York State
(US). I'm from New York State, but from an area two dialect areas away
from New York City, where "drawring" is common. The hypercorrection you
mentioned is found in New England, and among a number of famous speakers
of dialects with hypercorrected "r" perhaps John Kennedy, the former
president, stands out. He always added an "r" to all words with a final
(schwa) vowel, such as "sofa" and "soda", but he just couldn't ever
manage to put one (an "r" sound, that is) where it belonged -- for
example, at the end of "car" and "star", etc. Well, nobody's perfect, I
guess.
I see a mistake in the message I just sent. In the following:
"The gemination marker seen in Kana, which is actually a small version
of
the sign for TSU is usually romanized by a doubling of the following
vowel, but there are some exceptions. English "sun" would be romanized"
the mistake involves "doubling the following vowel" which should be
"doubling the following CONSONANT.
Sorry for the confusion
>The AW sound is problematic for those building a notation.
o: or oo works but looks a little odd in some words.
o:l the doctrz wrr on co:l.
The world ses /o/ for short O. The brits and the hole commonwelth say /o/
for short O. Sum parts in the US tu, so i dont think there is enny point
in
considring this american anommaly /a:/ FOR O for spelling reform purposes,
since not eeven in the US it is genral and eeven amung the /a:/ speekers
dont work all the time.
To be moved.
Tom Zurinskas wrote:
TRUESPEL VERSION
U dispyyuet wunts urroez betwween thu wind and thu sun, wich wuz thu
straunger uv thu tue, and thae ugrreed tue poot thu point aan this ishue,
that wicchever suenist maed thu travler taek auf hiz kloek, shood bee
ukkountid thu mor paawerfool. Thu wind beeggan, and blue withh aul hiz
miet
and maed u blast, koeld and feers az u thhrashing storm: but thu straunger
hee blue, thu kloeser thu bravler rapd hiz kloek urround him, and thu tieter
hee graspd it withh hiz handz. Then broek out thu sun: withh hiz welkim
beemz hee disppoezd thu vaeper and thu koeld; thu travler felt thu jeenyool
wormthh and az thu sun shoen brieter and brieter, hee sat doun, oeverkkum
withh thu heet and kast hiz kloek aan thu ground.
Critique: Truespel shows stress by doubling the consonant before
the stressed syllable when stress is not regular, e.g. not on the first
syllable. As a consequence, the Truespel version takes up more space.
Truespel uses almost the same grapheme-phoneme correspondence table as
ALC Fonetic. Truespell isolates 40 phonemes - fewer than Fonetic.
SPANGLISH VERSION
A dyspyut wans arowz betwin the wind and the san,
which was the stronger ov the twu, and they agrid tu
put the point on thys yshu, that whychever sunist meid
the travler taek of hyz clowk, shud bi acounted the
mor powerful. The wynd began, and blu with ol hyz
mait and meid a blast, cowld and fiers as a thrashen
storm; but the stronger hi blu, the clowsr the travler
rapt hiz clowk araund him, and the taiter hi graspt it
with hiz handz. Then browk aut the san: with hyz
welcom bimz hi dyspowzd the vapor and the cowld; the
travler felt the jinyal warmth and az the san shown
braiter and braiter, hi sat daun, overcom with the
hit, and kast hyz clowk on the graund.
Critique: This version of Spanglish uses y for the short i and schwi.
This eliminates the usual long-short ambiguity at least for [i: i].
a, e, o, u continue to have a long short ambiguity which can be eliminated
by adding a period marker or diacritic for the short checked vowels.
w is used for the short u sound in hook. v can be used for the sound
in cup. Using consonants and semi-vowels as vowels is problematic
only when they are doubled. The hooks sound rarely comes at the beginning
of a word or syllable, thus w can retain its usual function. There
are words where both the consonant and vowel appear as in wwd and wwl.
VY had some fun with this one but exaggerated the impact by also using
w for u: There is really no problem with the positional W since this is
the way it works in TES. It has two values in [willow] in the initial
position it is a consonant in the terminal position it represents a short
u or hook sound. Spanglish uses the vowel W in the medial position
as well. [wwly wilow]. v fpr /^/ is more of a problem since
v can come at the end of a word. [sleiv=slave]. [v v] could
only be [of] because /^/ is checked and cannot show up in the terminal
position.
There is no [Thv] as in Truespel which merges /v/ and /'schwa /.
This version also consistently marks [owe] instead of merging it with [awe].
e.g., cowld instead of cold. So what is wrong with Spanglish?
Like all notations it is a compromise. To make it shorter, simpler,
and more like TES, Spanglish has departed from the phonemic ideal of one
sound per symbol. In Spanglish, lmnr are always semi-vowels or syllabic
consonants and pronounced as such. uhl, uhm, uhn, uhr.
hurt becomes hrt. rut becomes r-r-rut. The semi vowel role
of y and w has been
expanded. wwd differs from wd by having a bilabial stop.
Reducing wwd to wd would be similar to the reduction of yuse to use.
Many cases of irregular stress could be marked by simply clarifying when
e, a, and i were used as schwa or schwi. be'gaen or bi'gan or b'gan
instead of beeggan. a'grid / uggreed. bi'twin / betwween.
There are probably more problems with Spanglish than listed here.
Please send in your comments. |
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Peruvian
Quipu
Yes we believe that there is a code that has
yet to be broken. It was so simple to create an English based code
that one should not rule out the possibility that there might also be a
sound code for quechuan. Quechuen is phonemically simpler than English
[fewer vowels] so the task would be easier.
See if you can figure out how to write sentence
in a colored know or colored bead code.
> I also had a question.
> Is there any relationship between the code that
> you worked out and the quechuen code?
Nobody has published convincing arguments that the South American quipu
encoded language alphabetically (or syllabically), even though it has
been suggested, several times, in the literature. But a colleague,
Margarita B. Marin-Dale, who was born in Peru and has a strong interest
in everything related to the Quechua (i.e. Inca) people and culture,
once asked me if it was possible to encode language, alphabetically,
in
quipu-like form, so I did it as an intellectual exercise, just to show
that it could be done. Naturally, I used my own language as a
test
case. But in some regards, it would be easier to encode Quechua
than
English.
Anyway, since I was able to do it, then there must be SOME
relationship,
but not of the type that demonstrates any great probability for the
quipu encoding language. Actually, the non-color version of encoded
English is probably more "quipu-like" (although only the knots are
shown
in the file I am sending -- not the complete non-color system).
> In most cases the quipu is described as a way
> to remember numbers. Did they ever use it to
> encode anything close to speech sounds?
Yes, as I noted above, there is mention of its use for such purposes,
but no convincing proof. Margarita and I both think that the
"proof"
is
staring us in the face, but we just don't see it -- a matter of how
the
conventional quipu are viewed.
> Do you have something similar for Mayan.
Although I haven't done it, it would be easy to write English in Maya
glyphs. The Maya glyphs include a perfectly serviceable syllabary,
so
I
would use the Japanese example of representing English in syllabic
form,
and model any Maya -glyph-based system for encoding English on that
system. Should be a piece of cake. Well, there are websites
that
convert English personal names into phonetic Maya glyphs, just as there
are for converting English names into Egyptian alphabetic glyphs.
Best regards,
David |